The Young Communist League of South Africa is a Marxist-Leninist youth wing of the SACP.

The YCL stands for:

Non Racism
The socialisation of the ownership and control of the means of production
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Communist University - Political School Material

Issue 4, Vol 14: 30 March 2017

In this issue:


Viewpoint by Nikolas PapadimitriouThe flame of the World Festival of Youth and Students remains alive

By Nikolas Papadimitriou

The World Festival of Youth and Students (WFYS) for 70 years now has established itself in the consciousness of millions of people. In 1947 during a period of time where the people were still trying to stand through the debris that fascism and Nazism left in World War II, thousands of progressive youths from around the world, by feeling the necessity for international unity they implemented the WFYS.

For the history, the 1st WFYS was hosted by the Soviet Czechoslovakia in the beautiful city of Prague in 1947. Many were those who rushed to condemn the WFYS and its purpose, by trying to fully align it with the foreign policy of the Soviet Union. But the reality was elsewhere, since the WFYS itself, which later turned into a movement, denied those malicious people be sending simultaneously a strong message of peace, friendship and solidarity

However, it is an undeniable fact that the Soviet Union remains in the history as a staunch supporter of the WFYS, as in reality it strengthened and supported the festival movement by hosting it several times with selflessness and altruism. The ideas and ideals that the festival itself was promoting by the very beginning, indeed were also deeply rooted in the consciousness of the peoples of the Soviet Countries.

The historical recursion of the WFYS, begun at the starting post of the Cold War, just after the anti-fascist victory of the peoples. However, against the flow of the developments of the period, with the intensification of the Cold War and the imperialist propaganda, the Festival Movement succeeded to profess the unity and friendship of the youth of the whole planet. Essentially, the realization of the first festival in 1947, destined to strengthen the international anti-imperialist youth movement, where in November 1945 in London, it was establishing its foundations through the founding congress of the World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY). WFDY was followed then by the establishment of the International Union of Students (IUS) in Prague in August 1946.

IUS and WFDY developed a joint action and in 1947 they took the historic decision to conduct the 1st WFYS. The joint struggle of these two organizations against fascism, imperialism and colonialism, was the catalyst for their cooperation, a cooperation that gave birth to WFYS. So together the two international organizations took the decisive roles of the coordinator of the preparatory process, along with the main organizational responsibility of each WFYS. WFDY which remains alive and active until today, with the legacy of its history has established itself as the main pillar of the festival movement.

From 1947 and then, the WFYS passes through the history, develops, grows and strengthens, together with the WFYS the voices of the oppressed and unjust peoples are strengthened as well, of those peoples that were struggling for liberation against colonialism, of those youth that were fighting for the right to work with rights, to education, to entertainment and to sport. Successively in each WFYS that followed, with their participation, thousands of young people who were under the colonial rule, seized the opportunity to receive international support and solidarity towards their national liberation struggle. Thousands of young people from Asia, Europe, Latin America, Middle East, Africa, have founded the anti-imperialist struggle, the internationalist solidarity and the friendship of the peoples, as characteristics but also as ideals of the Festival Movement.

Prague's Festival was followed by Budapest's Festival (1949), Berlin (1951 and 1973), Bucharest (1953), Warsaw (1955), Moscow (1957 and 1985), Vienna (1959), Helsinki (1962), Sofia (1968), Havana (1978) and Pyongyang (1989).

With the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, many were those who rushed to prejudge the outcome of the Festival Movement. In their effort to bury the struggle of the peoples and to overthrow the continuance of specific ideas and ideals, they rushed to bury both the Movement of the WFYS together with the World Federation of Democratic Youth.

However, WFDY had not yet said its last word, it remained upright despite the difficulties that existed during the 90s', and it overcame the intense debate on which orientation to be followed. During the 90s' in front of WFDY, the main organizer of the WFYS, there was a road full of obstacles and difficulties. The international developments of the time, the restoration of capitalism and the ideological revenge of its defenders, have created confusion even in the circles of WFDY. Several member organizations of WFDY dissolved.

However, despite the difficult conditions that WFDY was called to confront, with the determination of several member organizations, that declared consistency in their role as members of the Federation, and with the important moments of the 14th and 15th General Assembly of WFDY in Lisbon (February 1995) and Larnaca (February 1999 ) respectively, WFDY sent a strong message that the militancy of the youth of the world was not  dissolved nor extinguished. Against the barbaric imperialist aggression, the progressive youth of the world have raised their responsibility and pledged to continue the struggle given by all the previous generations in WFDY.

The preservation of WFDY itself, and its action as well, escalated the unity of the youth and peoples that were struggling against imperialism. This escalation has also created the need for the implementation of the 14th WFYS.  Yet, in 1997 the 14th WFYS is implemented, it came on the contrary during a time where a lot were convinced that the flame of the WFYS had gone out and that with the absence of the Soviet Union the realization of a Festival was impossible. With the decisive contribution of the Cuban people and of the late leader of the Revolution Fidel Castro Ruz, the institution of WFYS revived after its temporary interruption in 1989. Thanks to the militancy of the Cuban people and the personal contribution of Fidel Castro, the 14th WFYS stood with success on the "Island of the Revolution" in 1997, after eight years.

With WFDY again in the forefront, the proceedings were initiated for the realization of the 14th WFYS.

The 14th WFYS remains in the history as one of the most important. The young people of the world, in 1997, sent a strong anti-imperialist message from a country that until today is facing the imperialist aggression. The Festival of 97' consists a fact that meant the continuation of the Festival series. Cuba was followed by Algeria (2001), by Venezuela of Hugo Chavez (2005), by South Africa of Nelson Mandela (2010) and by Ecuador (2013).

Over time, and especially after 1990, many were those who tried to copy the WFYS, but the result of their effort had no success and it was not related in any of the cases with the WFYS. However, the ruling circles did not remain until the copy efforts, by seeing the revival of WFYS, they even tried to organize an "Anti-Festival", in both 1997 and 2001. Despite the undermining efforts, the WFYS remained intact and alive by surpassing the coordinated attack of the imperialists, it demonstrated that even with a large sum of money, even with the help and support of the dominant media, they couldn't harm it.

Thus, the history itself is a testimonial that throughout its course, WFDY was consistently on the side of the people and especially the young people that were fighting for their rights, against colonialism and imperialism, against the plundering and enslaving of people. In the route and the passage of WFDY, the Festival Movement is included, and its history shows that as long as the ideas and ideals remain alive, so the WFYS itself will continue moving on with the most progressive and militant part of the world youth. The history of the Festival teaches us that the infrastructure and the large sums of money alone cannot reach the expectations, nor touch the success of the WFYS, BUT the ideals of peace, friendship of the peoples, internationalist solidarity along with the thirst for anti-imperialist struggle, are the ones characterizing the Festival and consist the cornerstone for the success of every WFYS.

Moving forward, with the flame alive, the year of 2017 prescribes another success of the WFYS. The World Federation of Democratic Youth, is once again the only international organization that is leading the preparatory process of the 19th WFYS, which will be held during next October in the city of Sochi in Russia. At the same time of the realization of the 19th WFYS, 100 years since the Great October Socialist Revolution are complete, the anniversary of which will also be one of the main theme of the 19th Festival, since it is considered as a momentous event, for both its character and achievements, and its importance for the development of the anti-fascist, anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movement.

The 19th WFYS will be devoted to the personalities of Che Guevara and Mohamed Abdelaziz, whose names are connected with the struggle against imperialism and colonialism. Che is a modern symbol of the struggle, his face is found on the flags and posters in the marches and demonstrations of youth, students and workers. His action remains attached to the WFYS, since Che with the belief that human oppression and injustice have no borders, fought against imperialism for a world of peace and solidarity.

The 19th WFYS will add another glorious page in the history of the Festival Movement under the title: "For Peace, solidarity and social justice we struggle against imperialism - Honouring our past, we build the future." Moving on by carrying the ideals of the WFYS, the young people of the world together with WFDY and through the 19th WFYS, they will give their hands to become the "BUILDERS" of the world of peace and solidarity, a world free of imperialism, of this global system of the domination of the capital and monopolies, where even if it looks so powerful, is not invincible!

Nikolas Papadimitriou
President of WFDY

March 2017


Viewpoint by Sandile KhubisaWhat do Human Rights really symbolize in the context of contemporary South African and global political developments?

This question is critical in both understanding and pursuing the real struggle for human development in general and particularly the liberation of South Africans from the legacy of their pre-colonial, colonial and Apartheid history including annexations and a distortion of their history.It is an imperative to look at, and study our history with such a comprehension.

Human rights should not (and cannot) be de-linked from the struggles of the people, and their conviction for liberation, freedom and justice.

It should be noted how liberal thought would seek to create a disjoint between the struggles of humanity against prejudice, subjugation, violence, and oppression which are all nothing but proceeds of capitalist greed, from the real meaning of the human rights subject. Human rights advocation would be attached to free-marketism and bourgeois democracies, meanwhile on the other side would then be the portrayal of human right violations as an ally to centralized-economic planning and to movements which fought against colonial oppression. Materialism most certainly denounces such a narrative.

Perhaps what should be emphasized, as being in the kernel of the human rights topic is the role that these play in the true agenda of humanity. Are human rights a phenomenon in itself seeking to address an effect of humanity’s historical situation, or are these supposed to be a means towards a truly egalitarian condition?

What would be a grave violation of humanity’s universal rights would be for these to be merely reduced to prescripts, on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and various other legislation, particularly the Bill of Rights in South Africa’s case, with no substantive social content. That is; a mere legislative framework which does not speak to daily conditions and challenges confronting the people.

Outside of the various legislation, the need becomes that, for an answer and response to; what do human rights practically stand for? For whose benefit are these rights? When and why, the invocation of human rights does come into existence? Before the 1940’s, what were the philosophical and political statuses of human rights? Could it be that after World War II, it was apparent that any further abuses were no longer beneficial to the ruling classes? How far did this development go to curb such abuses?

It should be investigated as to what is the material basis for the foundations of human rights, otherwise these could be midgeted into just another abstraction. A critically analytic eye must be cast on material development of modern societies. It is these material occurrences which necessitate the invocation of human rights.

Without antagonisms (which arise out class conflicts of course), there wouldn’t be a need, or place in the material world for such a concept as, human rights. Even in a seemingly harmonious environment, if ever it were to be found, class conflict (or rather the threat of) and its inherent contradictions would warrant that prescripts containing these rights be readily put in place.

It is due to such analyses that a conclusion, about human rights arising as a response to a situation of oppression, exploitation and greed, which are all inherent with ruling class attitudes, can be reached.

South Africa’s Colonial and Apartheid legacy

Perhaps to give a proper background to the subject matter of human rights would require a relook into the country’s historical conditioning. It cannot be guaranteed that before the first Dutch ship made its way to the Cape about 365 years ago, there had not been abuses committed by the land’s inhabitants on fellow nation, tribe or land-men. However it is an inarguable fact that before invasions, slave-trade and colonial oppression, Africans lived harmonious livelihoods than what is their state in present day society.

With the subsequent oppression, exploitation, marginalization and other forms of violent attitudes which was directed at the majority of South Africans by the white settler minority, South Africa’s modern history was written.

Along came racial subjugation and hate, and the indignity which was given to a black person’s being among other forms of attitudes. It is only at this time that grave abuses, murders, rapes and tortures are documented. Not were these only recorded by history but the ruling regimes went further and institutionalized these inhumane behavioral patterns through the enactment and passing of various colonial and apartheid legislation.

The question of human rights was therefore a non-issue for the majority of South Africans at that point in history.

Forced land removals, the prohibition of natives to acquire and own land…., their prevention from organizing in the workplace and elsewhere, the detentions, the killings all conjure to being some of the greatest human right violations. It is worthy of being stressed that these were profitable to British colonialism and subsequent to that, Apartheid capitalism. These would cement a dominant and powerful position for the ruling classes and elite of pre-democratic South Africa.

It is a fact that these privileges which were gained against the backdrop of gross human right violations and the disregard of a black people’s own dignity, continue to be enjoyed even in post-Apartheid South Africa. Just how far the development of the country’s Bill of Rights and Constitution has gone to restore this stolen dignity as well as other material possessions is a serious cause for concern.

Another area which ought to be looked at, would be how inter-tribal relations were re-constructed. The sense of African-ness was eroded, through such interventions as the creation of Bantustans. A people’s traditional ways of living; that also taking into account their practices, customs and cultural organization was distorted and to a certain extent vulgarized. To validate this point Oliver Tambo is quoted;

“They (African and other non-white people) cannot enjoy a full cultural life in accordance with their artistic, literary and scientific inclinations. On the contrary, the majority of the people are excluded from places of culture or entertainment, from libraries, from scientific institutions.”

Speaking in commemoration of the 20th year after the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, in 1968. Democratic South Africa

Fast forward to present day South Africa, the majority still lives in a perilous modern state of livelihood. One which is characterized by landlessness, inadequate access to services, racial abuse (yes racial abuse), under-education, joblessness, exposure to disease , and extreme poverty levels. Because of the historical nature of these human rights infringements which even hindered free movement on the part of black Africans, the imprints of alienation created among this racial grouping has made it within the bounds of possibility that now and again scenes of Afrophobia would interminably emerge.

The plurality of these compounded with the historical reality of uneven and unequal quantitative and qualitative access to education for the different sections of the South African populace has been expressed in popular struggles like “Rhodes” and “Fees” must fall campaigns. These should not be defined with any superfluously sophistication but rather be explained as a response by those feeling undone by the so-called Human Rights prescripts and Articles.

If the Bill of Rights explicitly states that;

“Everyone has the right

  1. To a basic education, including adult basic education; and
  2. To further education, which the state, through reasonable measures must make progressively available and accessible…..”

Why should accusations be levelled against some faceless and shadowy external forces, when this could also be simply explained as an isolated struggle for a practical expression of Human Rights legislative frameworks?

When communities barricade roads with burning tyres in protest against a disservice of some kind, the answer lies right before our very eyes. People justifiably feel they are being deprived of the very same rights they were promised after struggling against the satanic Nationalist order for almost a century. After enduring extreme social hardships for years, people cannot be expected to be overly tolerant anymore. Such impatience should be expected, especially amid a plethora of crises and controversies ranging from cases of patronage, corruption to government bureaucracies’ infightings and so forth.

In an age when, a white farmer can easily claim to have mistaken a black farm-dweller for a warthog with a barrel of fatal shotgun shot, should the masses invoke some mystified human rights belief to protect, serve and pursue their social and economic interests, aspirations and safety desires? When mineworkers can get trapped for over a year in some old badly maintained mine-shaft, and the mining bosses have the audacity to complain about costs to proceed with the mission to extract the bodies of the miners, where is the effectiveness of these rights?

Don’t these warrant a praxis which will project the language of human rights as that which is understood and can be translated in the emancipatory project?

Great strides and progress, nevertheless have been made with regards to protecting the rights of vulnerable groups, with dedicated ministries established to look into the wellbeing of children, women and people living disabilities. This, however has not been able to radically counter the scourge of patriarchal attitudes, child abuse cases and most notably discriminatory crimes perpetuated against people suffering from conditions such as albinism.

For so long the concept of human rights fails to find a radical expression in the lives of the people in contemporary South African conditions, these will remain a mere cosmetic reform which is detached from the country’s realities.


The objective of humanity’s history has for centuries been distorted by the urge and drive of the ruling classes to control, oppress and exploit others. Accumulation of wealth, which finds its own expression in the capitalist mode of production and the overall bourgeoisie organization of society is the main hinderance to a truly libertarian progress.

If progressive legislation continues with its obsession to protect interests, aspirations and desires of the ruling classes as well as the dominant elite. If the guiding ideology for these pieces of legislation remains neo-liberalism, with no social content being reflected in the application of these, as a result, say of a lack of political willingness, these will cease being progressive and become obsolete in the eyes of the people.

Any gains made by the liberation movement together with the masses of South Africa will begin to be reversed.

One critical point may need to be made also, as to the true nature of rights. Its philosophical statuses is closely attached to humanitarianism and to a certain extent, philanthropy. With primary focus located in the necessities to respond to existential and emerging humanitarian crises and present-day human abuses. But should not the goal of history and human existence encompass redressing the social imbalances of the past, with a truly egalitarian programme which goes beyond responding to crises when they arise, rather which seeks to alter and radically transform dominant modes of thought and social organization?

Social insurances should be welcome as interventions to reduce inequalities, however these should not be fallibly confused for truly emancipatory and liberating reforms.

What should be; is for a progressive enforcement of the readily available legislative frameworks to effect a radically liberating praxis that speaks to human rights in the context of protection against; exploitation in the workplace, academic exclusion, homophobia, racial discrimination as well as all the forms of infringements that grow out of the concrete capitalist situation.

Without waging a relentless campaign against the economic foundation sustaining and maintaining the capitalist condition, very little meaningful headway can be made.

What justice and freedom can there possibly be for a shack-dweller, a farm-worker, a homeless person, or even a blue-collar worker barely making it through the month without seeking intervention from a mashonisa?

The infusion of a social and class content onto the concept of human rights and other existential legislative framework can only find expression in sound and bold political decision-making. After-all, there was no consideration for Rainbow Chicken workers when they lost their jobs;

Article 23.1 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights stresses:

Everyone has the right to work, to free choice of employment, to just and favorable conditions of work and to protection against unemployment.

But this piece of legislative framework could do nothing to avert these mass retrenchments.

The language and concept of human rights should be conscious of the progressive tasks to meet, truly and radically transformative objectives at all material times. It should take into cognizance the concrete situation and material realities of the multitudes whom have vested their hopes on the democratic gains made since the breakthrough of 1994 ,for anything less that is tantamount to short-changing the people.

Sandile Khubisa is YCLSA Greater KwaDukuza District Secretary, and writes in his own personal capacity


Viewpoint by Lebogang MoremediYCLSA statement on learner dropout and child pregnancy in the Northern Cape Province

The fact that almost 200 Northern Cape pupils fell pregnant last year - including three junior schools pupils is unspeakable. Sex education for young people, especially at the school level, should not be left to one institution or individual, but it’s all our responsibility. Rather the question that we must ask should be the relevance of sex or reproductive system education given to young people both at the school and community level. It is not by surprise that the YCLSA has always intensified its Health and Wellbeing Programmes speaking to the sex and reproductive system education to the young people, both male and female. On the other hand, we are confronted by an alarming number of young people not going to school as reported by Stats SA survey that the Province has the highest number of children between the ages of seven (7) and seventeen (17).

According to the Minister of Basic Education, about 47% quit school at grade 10. A significant portion of pupil who start basic education do not complete the cycle. There are many factors associated with drop out, some of which are that the pupil did not pass and could not return to school, family pressure to seek work, a shortage of money which impacts on uniform, transport and nutrition. Blacks and Coloureds are the most susceptible especially young people who take up household responsibilities are most likely to drop out before completing their matric. Teenage pregnancy is also a contributory factor. Some learners are vulnerable to dropping out of school immediately after compulsory school going age, especially the ones from low income families and child headed households. Family pressures force these young people to drop out and look for employment.

For young girls, teenage pregnancy is an interesting dimension to poverty with the subsequent dropping out school by young girls in particular, is another input factor. Young girls drop out of the schooling system to raise babies and rely on child support grant. But more often, particularly in rural areas, these teenage girls do not return back to school and this presupposes their future economic exclusions as there is nothing to guarantee employment. Northern Cape being a semi-rural Province, added to this is the resilience of patriarchy in rural areas which also reinforces this pattern of young women less encouraged to acquire education as compared to men. Young girls sit and do nothing productive except to raise children. Absence of economic activism by young people and money circulation in the rural areas worsen the situation.

It is trite that South Africa had surpass Brazil as an unequal country in the World. It is this reality that summons us to locate the fight against poverty to supreme levels. There is a general consensus from social observers that more than 40% South Africans lives in poverty. The importance of education is a global matter as emphasized by international organisations such as United Nations foundation under Millennium Development Goals (MDG) that were meant to be achieved by the year 2015. While the review of MDG has revealed that there is improvement in the enrolment of education as the “primary school net enrolment rate in the developing regions has reached 91 percent in 2015, up from 83 per cent in 2000” (UN Foundation), Stats SA has reported a drop or an increase in the number of young people not going to school in the Province. The NDP 2030 (2013:296) emphasizes that “education should be compulsory up to Grade 12 or equivalent levels in vocational education and training”.

It is a worrying factor to note that most of the young people who drop out at basic education lose out on the most basic skills and this limits their future opportunities and the nation loses out on future skills. These young people will find it extremely hard to make a successful transition to adulthood in a market that offers fewer and fewer opportunities for workers with no matric qualification, if they are lucky they will find themselves occupying unexciting and frustrating jobs. Research by Strassburg et al (2010) and Fleisch et al (2010) has found that dropping out of schools is not a single event, but is usually the result of a combination of inter-related factors that lead up to a child eventually dropping out of school. Fleisch et al (2010:7) corroborates that poverty alone did not explain why children were not in school and identified other factors (such as disability, family structure, i.e., not living with biological parents or grandparents, orphanhood, being eligible for, but not accessing social welfare and living in isolated communities) which, combined with poverty, make children more vulnerable to dropping out of schools. Moreover, Strassburg et al (2010: 40-41) found that financial pressures and complex social processes (such as teenage pregnancy and substance abuse) combined with in-school factors (such as lack of stimulation and support) result in youth disengaging from their education and eventually dropping out of school.

In conclusion, clearly there are range of factors that contribute to young people dropping out before they complete secondary school. The reasons leading to drop-out in basic education, must further be systematically investigated. The YCLSA wish to propose, with all South Africans playing a role, that the government must put in place the following basic things:

  • With regards to teenage pregnancy, the Department of Health should play its role of visiting schools to teach learners about effects of unprotected sex, diseases such as HIV/AIDS and the implications of falling pregnant while at school;
  • Government organisations such as South African National Council on Alcoholism and Drug Dependence (SANCA) should play a massive role of addressing learners about the impacts and effects of engaging in alcohol and drug abuse;
  • The Department of Basic Education together with civil society should play a role of addressing children, providing support and guidance regarding the importance of education and the schools should have extra-mural activities to ensure that youth avoid engagement in drug and alcohol abuse and violence;
  • Educational enrolment should be the responsibility of all the affected parties (parents, learners, teachers, government and the community) and all the parties must play their roles collectively;
  • It is interesting to learn that most drop outs, realise the importance of studying later when they are matured, so the government should invest in second-chance programs that will provide safety net interventions;
  • Government should explore ways of facilitating the transition from school to a post-school institution or the labour market; and
  • The government will have to provide multiple pathways programme such as increasing access to sports at high schools so that students would participate and see the value of being at school than dropping out.

YCLSA Northern Cape Provincial Secretary: Cde. Lebogang Moremedi


Viewpoint by Matiwane Sinethemba#1MOVEMENT #1MONTH – Part 1: Organization or Death: Organise the Working-class and its allies! Isolate reformist-populism!

By Matiwane Sinethemba

The series of events of which have followed the recent, and even on-going, fee-free education protests have interested one to carry out an analysis of the Students mass movements and to perform scrutiny over the role of the SRCs in the students body politic. The reformist endeavours of Comrade Mcebo Dlamini and his team through the #1Million1Month campaign have definitely warranted for such an scrutiny! The students protests in the past two years, and the even more recent, or rather more current, is the impasse on-going in the TVET higher education sector and the students protests that followed therefrom; and all these have definitely called to action all those sets of principles and perspectives that so many men before us have laid down their youth for, fighting for their restoration onto the realm of human social, production and property relations. As young revolutionaries, we dare not fail!

The students movements in the TVET sector have recently provided much to be admired, and will on the outcome of their initiatives gain an immense amount of organisational experience, as well as a deeper appreciation of the political programme, the political slogan and the method of class-struggle. And this may prove true, however, only when the appropriate agitation and education is attributed to the political work of the most advanced and the class-conscious of sections of the students movement. And once more, another decisive factor will happen to be the level of appreciation of mass, popular mobilisation, and only when such ideological appreciation translates into the formation of democratic, mass organs of popular power. This is where the mass organisations must base their deliberations on the immediate tasks of the day, their positions to the burning questions, as well as their programmatic objectives for any interventions that they deem necessary. They must not rely on reformist endeavours, like their University comrades do!

Another of such endeavours were those of the SRC under Comrade Ulo Mkhatshwa and the #Access campaign! Another thing worth noting has been the roles and responsibilty of mass organisations during the #FeesMustFall campaign. In general revolutionary language these would be normally regarded as “the mass institutions of today, [which] will be the mid-wives of the new revolutionary society we are struggling to create as revolutionaries.” However, technically, higher education/tertiary institutions nation-wide, regard in the ‘rule-books’ two types of mass institutions of students; namely statutory bodies (SRC,school councils), all which congregate under the universal body of the SRC as representative of all students on campus, and secondly the CSOs (clubs,organisations), these have no congregatory body except for occassional, some tactical alliances between the various student organisations. The CSOs only become legitimate organsations on the condition that they register with the SRC CSOs office, their membership is recognised as a legitimate student body, and the organisation fulfills all the terms of legality.

Despite the number of organisations and representative student bodies #FMF protests, and their mass meetings nonetheless showed a lot of organisational inexperience, and therefore great deficits in our capacity to properly analyse a reality, approach a problem, and in response to an actual reality formulate serious tactics on which to advance a fully-fledged struggle forward. The formulation of a correct theory to guide perspectives collectively amongst a well, clearly mobilised mass-base was not taken very seriously either. The unfolding of things in such a struggle process must be subjected to strict review however; to answer questions as to why we disintergrated into a semianarchic, disorganised millitancy that was at the end characterized by undemocratic methods of struggle, to answer questions on the role of the state and how it has declared a determined ‘war-on-students’, given all the political and material support by university managements, and how we must react to this violence; and above all, to answer why was the working-class not properly mobilised, as a social power to throw their weight behind this call for violent decolonization through an anti-capitalist higher education system?

#FMF then had to respond decisively in this regard; that was its historic task. But the ideological streams that drive the students movement emanate from the previously whites-only institutions; and post-apartheid, these have been the concentration of petty-bourgeois aspirations and have histotrically reproduced a legacy of liberal bourgeois ideologies, as well as some sections of nationalist-populism from the more radical quarters of the petty-bourgeois democrats. The students movement has thus largely been reformist in its thinking; which we could also attribute to the political programme itself. And that is the main reason as to why we, once again, as before, just scrapped the surface. The YCL must now answer the working-class students, are we figthing for reform for liberals, or fighting for our class to make its revolution?